WHAT CONGRESS AND GANDHI HAVE DONE TO
THE UNTOUCHABLES
______________________________________________
Appendices
Appendix VI : Recognition of
Untouchables as a Separate Element
RECOGNITION OF
UNTOUCHABLES AS A SEPARATE ELEMENT
Pronouncements of the British Government on the
position of the Untouchables in the Constitution of India,
introduction
The
necessity for recalling the pronouncements of the Viceroys and of the Secretaries of State
has arisen because of the recent criticism in the Press against the reply of 15th August
1944 given by Lord Wavell to Mr. Gandhi stating that the Scheduled Castes are a separate
element in the national life of India and that their consent to the new Constitution was
essential before power is transferred to Indian hands. This criticism is based upon the
supposition that the Cripps's proposals did not recognise the Scheduled Castes as a
separate element and did not make their consent necessary. Reliance is placed 'upon the
fact that the Cripps's proposals spoke of "racial and religious minorities" only
and it is argued that the Scheduled Castes are neither a racial nor a religious minority.
It
is hardly necessary to point out how ignorant this criticism is. The Scheduled Castes are
really a religious minority. The Hindu religion by its dogma of untouchability has
separated the Scheduled Castes from the main body of the Hindus in a manner which makes
the separation far more real and far wider than the separation which exists either between
Hindus and Muslims or Hindus and Sikhs or Hindus and Christians. It is difficult to
concede of a more effective method of separation and segregation than the principle of
untouchability and it is only those who are actuated by malicious spirit of finding
excuses to deny the Scheduled Castes their claim to political rights would indulge in this
kind of jugglery. Those who regard the statement of Lord Wavell as a new departure have
completely forgotten what attitude His Majesty's Government has taken in the matter of the
Scheduled Castes from the very beginning when the transfer of political power from British
to Indian hands was thought of. Ever since
1917 when the Montagu-Chelmsford Report advocated responsible Government, the British
Government have taken a definite stand that they would, under no circumstances, transfer
power to Indian hands until they were satisfied that the position of the Scheduled Castes
was safeguarded by adequate Constitutional provisions. A few of the many declarations made
by Secretaries of State and Viceroys of India from 1917 to 1941 are collected together in the following pages. It
will be found that the recognition that the Scheduled Castes are a separate and important
element in the national life of the country and that their consent is necessary are in no
way new proposals. Both the statements have been made by responsible representatives of
His Majesty's Government, viz., the Secretary of State and the Viceroy long before the
Cripps's proposals came into being. Particular attention is drawn to Mr, Amery's statement
on 14th August 1940 and Lord Linlithgow's statement on 10th January 1940. It is hoped that
a perusal of these declarations will enable those who are trying to negative the claim of
the Scheduled Castes for political rights to realise that their propaganda is both foolish
and malicious.
(1)
Extract from the Montagu-Chdmsford Report on
Indian Constitutional Reform—1917.
155.
.. , .. We have shown that the political
education of the ryot cannot be a very rapid, and may be a very difficult process. Till it
is complete, be must be exposed to the risk of oppression by people who are stronger and
cleverer than be is : and until it is clear that his interests can safely be left in his
own hands or that the legislative councils represent and consider his interest, we must
retain power to protect him. So with the
depressed classes. We intend to make the best arrangements that we can for their
representation, in order that they too may ultimately learn the lesson of self-protection.
But if it is found that their interests suffer and that they do not share in the general
progress, we must retain the means in our own hands of helping them,
(2)
Extract from the Fifth Despatch of the
Government of India dated 23rd April 1919 on the Report of the Southborough Committee on
Franchise,
13.
We have analysed in the statement (printed at the top of the next page) the interests
which in the committee's opinion should be represented by non-official nomination.
We
accept these proposals generally. But there is one community whose case appears to us to
require more consideration than the committee gave it. The Report on Indian Constitutional
Reforms dearly recognises the problem of the depressed classes and gave a pledge
respecting them. "We intend to make the best arrangements that we can for their
representation." The castes described as "Hindus—others" in the
committee's report, though they are defined in varying terms, are broadly speaking all the
same kind of people.
Names
of Province |
Depressed
Classes |
Anglo-Indians |
Indian
Christians |
Labour |
Excluded
tracks |
Military
Interest |
Industrial
Interest other than planting & Mining |
Aborigines |
Domiciled
Bengalis |
Others |
Total |
%
of total membership |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
1 |
2 |
3 |
4 |
5 |
6 |
7 |
8 |
9 |
10 |
11 |
12 |
13 |
Madras |
2 |
— |
— |
— |
2 |
— |
|
— |
— |
2 |
6 |
5 |
Bombay
|
— |
1 |
1 |
1 |
— |
— |
— |
— |
— |
2 |
6 |
9 |
Bengal |
1 |
— |
1 |
1 |
— |
— |
— |
— |
— |
22 |
5 |
4 |
United
Provinces |
1 |
1 |
1 |
— |
— |
— |
— |
— |
— |
2 |
6 |
4 |
Punjab |
-. |
2 |
1 |
— |
— |
1 |
— |
— |
— |
2 |
9 |
7 |
Bihar
and Orissa |
1 |
1 |
1 |
1 |
— |
— |
1 |
1 |
! |
2 |
9 |
9 |
Central
Provinces |
1 |
1* |
— |
— |
2 |
— |
— |
— |
— |
1 |
5 |
7 |
Assam |
— |
1* |
1 |
1 |
1 |
— |
— |
— |
— |
1 |
6 |
9 |
Total |
7 |
7 |
6 |
4 |
8 |
1 |
1 |
1 |
1 |
14 |
47 |
— |
*Europeans and
Anglo-Indians.